國際焦點"亞投行"背後的美中較量
The Anglo-American dispute over membership of a new Beijing-led development bank is one of the early chapters in the growing competition between the US and China over who will write the rules for the 21st century global economy.
The Obama administration reacted angrily to the British decision on Thursday to become a founding member of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, a $50bn Chinese initiative that could end up rivalling the Washington-based World Bank.
奧巴馬(Obama)政府對上週四英國決定成為亞洲基礎設施投資銀行(Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank，簡稱亞投行)的創始成員表示憤怒。亞投行由中國牽頭，資本規模達500億美元，最終可能會與總部位於華盛頓的世界銀行(World Bank)形成競爭。Britain will become the first G7 economy to join the AIIB, giving the bank an important boost of credibility and potentially funds at a time when it has been struggling to establish itself.
英國將成為第一個加盟亞投行的七國集團(G7)經濟體。在亞投行努力創建之際，英國的加入將對該行的信譽和潛在資金起到重要的推動作用。
The new Asian bank is one part of an ambitious Chinese push to create a new generation of financial and economic institutions that could give it greater political influence in the Asia-Pacific region and potentially in other parts of the world.
這家新的亞洲銀行是中國一個宏圖大志的一部分，中國欲打造新一代的金融和經濟機構，讓其在亞太地區、並可能在世界其他地區擁有更大的政治影響力。“At the heart of this dispute is the long-term contest over the rules, norms and institutions that will govern economics and politics in Asia,” says Ely Ratner, senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, a Washington think-tank.
位於華盛頓的智庫新美國安全中心(Center for a New American Security)的高級研究員埃利•拉特納(Ely Ratner)表示：“這場爭執的核心，是對主導亞洲經濟和政治的規則、規範和制度的一場長時間競爭。”In addition to the AIIB, China is the leading country behind the Brics development bank that was launched last year and has announced a $40bn Silk Road Fund to back projects that will link China to central Asia.
除了亞投行，中國還是去年成立的金磚國家開發銀行的主導國，此外中國已宣佈投入400億美元成立絲路基金(Silk Road Fund)，對將中國連接到中亞的項目進行支持。The new Chinese initiatives all meet a gaping financial hole — the demand for infrastructure in developing countries. The Manila-based Asian Development Bank — one of the direct rivals of the AIIB — has estimated that the East Asia region needs infrastructure investment of $8tn over the next decade to maintain economic growth.
中國這些新舉措全都是為了滿足一個越來越大的資金缺口，即發展中國家對基礎設施的需求。據亞投行的直接競爭對手之一，位於馬尼拉的亞洲開發銀行(Asian Development Bank)估計，未來十年東亞地區需要8萬億美元的基礎設施投資以保持經濟增長。But the Chinese initiatives also represent a direct political challenge to the Washington-based institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, where the US has been the dominant voice since their foundation after the second world war.
但中國的這些舉措，也對世界銀行和國際貨幣基金組織(IMF)等位於華盛頓的機構構成政治上的直接挑戰，自二次大戰後成立以來，這些機構一直由美國主導。The US has its own plans to forge a new economic architecture for the Asian region, most notably through the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a 12-nation trade agreement that is under negotiation. Combined with the separate trade agreement the US is discussing with the EU, the broader American strategy is to establish a new set of global trading rules that would set higher standards for intellectual property rights, state subsidies and environmental protection — all areas where China and the US have different interests and approaches.
美國對在亞洲地區建立一個新的經濟架構也有自己的計劃，其中最引人注目的就是《跨太平洋夥伴關係協定》（Trans-Pacific Partnership，簡稱TPP）——一份正在談判中的12國貿易協定。結合美國正與歐盟(EU)討論的那份單獨貿易協定，美國的整體戰略是建立一套新的全球貿易規則，就知識產權、國家補貼和環保問題設立更高的標準，而在所有這些領域，中國和美國都存在利益和處理方式的分歧。According to Yun Sun, an expert on Chinese foreign policy at the Stimson Center in Washington, China has already faced a number of internal challenges as it tries to set up the AIIB. Officials have promised the new bank will deliver funds with less bureaucracy than the World Bank, but they also realise that the rigorous conditions adopted by the other banks are partly designed to prevent ill-advised loans and to maintain a strong credit rating.
位於華盛頓的史汀生中心(Stimson Center)的中國外交政策專家孫雲（音譯）表示，中國在試圖建立亞投行時已經面臨一些內部挑戰。官員們已承諾，新銀行提供資金時不會像世界銀行那樣官僚，但他們也意識到，其他銀行所採用的嚴格條件，部分是為了防止不明智的貸款、以及保持較高的信用評級。She adds there has been pressure from interest groups in China to use the bank’s loans to “advance China’s economic agenda, especially the export of Chinese products and services”, while Chinese foreign policy strategists argue the bank “should support China’s strategic interests, with a result that countries disrespectful of China should receive less favourable consideration”.
孫雲補充説，中國已經有一些利益集團在施壓，要求利用亞投行貸款“推進中國的經濟議程，特別是推動中國商品和服務的出口”，而中國的外交政策戰略專家則認為，亞投行“應該支持中國的戰略利益，給予不尊重中國的國家較差待遇”。During the cold war, the US faced the organised political and economic bloc of the Warsaw Pact. However, China is representing a very different challenge — a great power with the capacity to establish economic institutions and partnerships with countries that also maintain strong relationships with the US. “It is a new problem for the US to have,” says Mr Ratner. “Even if the US does not itself join, it will not be sufficient for Washington to simply oppose these new institutions, especially if other western countries are actively participating.”
冷戰時期，美國曾面對過華沙條約(Warsaw Pact)下有組織的政治和經濟集團。但中國代表着一種截然不同的挑戰，這一超級大國有能力與那些同時與美國關係密切的國家一道，建立起國際經濟機構、並構建夥伴關係。拉特納表示：“這對美國而言是一個新問題。即使美國本身不參加，華盛頓方面僅僅是反對這些新機構也是不夠的，尤其是如果其他西方國家都在積極參與。”Some former US officials believe that the US has also hurt itself in this new competition for influence with China. Having urged China for years to be a “responsible stakeholder” in global governance, the administration supported a reform of the IMF’s quotas that would give China a larger role. However, the proposal has languished in Congress.
一些前美國官員認為，美國與中國展開的這場新的影響力之爭，也傷害到了它自身。美國政府多年來一直敦促中國在全球治理中成為“負責任的利益攸關方”，它曾支持對IMF的份額分配進行改革，賦予中國更重要的地位。然而，這一提議在美國國會已經沒戲了。China’s desire to forge its own institutions is in part a reflection of the perception that it has been shut out of the existing architecture.
中國希望建立自己的金融機構，部分反映出中國感覺自己在現有架構中遭到排斥。
