收入不平等加劇或深化社會分隔
When Bill de Blasio successfully ran for mayor of New York City in 2013, he campaigned against a tale of two cities divided between rich and poor.
2013年當比爾•德布拉西奧(Bill de Blasio)競選紐約市長時，他的競選口號之一是反對貧富割裂的一座城市兩種生活。德布拉西奧成功當選。
And when Sadiq Khan won London’s mayoral election in May, he did so after promising a London living wage and a London living rent to combat low pay and high housing costs.
今年5月薩迪克汗(Sadiq Khan)贏得倫敦市長選舉，在那之前，他承諾要制定倫敦最低生活工資(London living wage)和倫敦居民房租標準(London living rent)，以對抗低工資和高住房成本。
Economic inequality, increasingly central to international and national economic policy discussions, is making its mark on city-level politics as well.
經濟不平等作爲國際上和國內經濟政策討論中越來越核心的議題，也在對城市層級的政治產生影響。
Studies show income inequality has risen in cities across the US and Europe.
研究顯示，在整個美國和歐洲，城市的收入不平等問題都在加劇。
Edward Glaeser, an economics professor at Harvard, says there was a dramatic increase in inequality in [US] cities between 1980 and 2006.
哈佛大學(Harvard)經濟學教授愛德華•格萊澤(Edward Glaeser)表示，1980至2006年間美國城市的不平等程度顯著上升。
A study, co-authored by Mr Glaeser, says: with one exception all metropolitan areas went up in inequality in this period.
格萊澤與人合著的一項研究指出：這一時期所有大城市地區的不平等程度都在走高，只有一個城市例外。
Similarly, a study of 13 European capital cities has found that in 10 of them, economic inequality rose in the first decade of this century.
類似的，對歐洲13個首都城市的一項研究也發現，其中有10個城市的經濟不平等程度在本世紀頭十年中加劇了。
Maarten van Ham, a professor at the universities of Delft and St Andrew’s and one of the authors, adds that socio-economic segregation — the degree to which the rich and the poor live in different parts of the city — rose in 12 out of the 13.
馬爾滕•範漢姆(Maarten van Ham)是荷蘭代爾夫特理工大學(Delft University of Technology)和聖安德魯斯大學(University of St Andrews)的教授，同時也是這項研究的作者之一。他補充稱，在這13座城市當中，有12座城市的社會經濟割裂程度（即富人和窮人分別生活於同一城市不同區域這種情況的嚴重程度）加深。
Often when inequality increases it takes [time] to see increased segregation, says Mr van Ham.
範漢姆表示：通常當不平等加劇時，要滯後一段時間纔會觀察到社會分隔加劇。
We think segregation by income will increase even more in the next decade.
我們認爲未來十年由收入導致的社會割裂將進一步深化。
The harm such segregation may cause is only now being understood.
直到現在，人們纔開始瞭解這種割裂可能導致的危害。
In the US, the Stanford University economist Raj Chetty caused waves by demonstrating that intergenerational mobility varies enormously according to the neighbourhood a person grows up in.
在美國，斯坦福大學(Stanford University)經濟學家拉傑•切迪(Raj Chetty)的研究激起了巨大反響。他的研究顯示，代際流動性因個體成長的社區環境不同而存在巨大差異。
Each year children spend in the most upwardly mobile neighbourhoods, Mr Chetty found, causes their adult incomes to be 0.8 per cent higher compared to the national average.
切迪發現，兒童在向上流動性最強的社區中每生活一年，他們成年後的收入水平將因此較全國平均值高出0.8%。
Each year in the worst neighbourhoods lowers their adult incomes by 0.7 per cent.
而在向上流動性最差的社區中每生活一年，將導致兒童成年後的收入降低0.7%。
But scholars caution against thinking inequality can be primarily addressed at city level.
但學者們警告稱，不應認爲不平等問題可以主要在城市這一層面上得到應對。
The processes that led to segregation reflect global economic changes in the structure of the labour market especially, says Mr van Ham.
導致社會割裂的種種進程反映出了全球經濟狀況的種種變化，尤其是勞動力市場結構中的這種變化，範漢姆表示。
The number of professionals has been increasing a lot and there are also a lot of low-income families.
專業人士的數量明顯增多，與此同時也出現了大量的低收入家庭。
In Vienna, the number of professionals doubled in a decade, Mr van Ham and his colleagues found.
範漢姆和他的同事們發現，在維也納，專業人士的數量在十年間翻了一番。
These are people with high incomes and, if you have money, you can choose a nice place to live.
這些人的收入較高，而當你有錢之後，你可以選擇在一個較好地段居住。
So housing got much more expensive in the most attractive parts of Vienna and the lower paid could not afford to live there any more.
因此維也納最具魅力的地段住房成本大幅攀升，收入較低羣體無力負擔繼續在這些地段生活。
Mr Glaeser points out that if national-level inequality does not improve, more egalitarian cities would simply mean reshuffling rich and poor citizens into separate cities, resulting in more segregation rather than integration.
格萊澤指出，在國家層面的不平等沒有改善的情況下，城市主張進一步的平等化將僅意味着將富人和窮人重新安排到不同城市，導致更進一步的社會割裂而非融合。
And while more unequal US cities in the 1980s were poorer ones, he found, that relationship has changed.
格萊澤發現，二十世紀八十年代不平等嚴重的美國城市通常較爲貧窮，但這一關係已經發生了改變。
Today, a city may be more unequal than another not because it has more poverty but because it has more rich people.
如今，一座城市比另一座城市更不平等的原因，可能不是因爲貧困人口更多，而是因爲富人更多。
If you increase inequality by plopping in a bunch of tech billionaires in an area, that can’t be bad for growth, Mr Glaeser argues.
格萊澤指出：如果你將一羣科技億萬富翁引入一個地區而加劇了收入不平等程度，這不會對經濟增長帶來不利影響。
What we should be worrying about is whether cities are places of opportunity for the poor.
我們應當擔心的是，城市對於窮人來說是否仍是充滿機遇的地方。
Mr van Ham agrees.
範漢姆同意這種觀點。
If you see segregation as a problem, then I see as the solution investment in people, education, jobs, children — offer them opportunities.
如果你認爲社會割裂是一個問題，那麼在我看來解決方案是投資於人、教育、就業以及兒童——爲他們提供機遇。
You can’t solve inequality in one generation.
你不可能在一代人的時間裏化解不平等。
The ability of city leaders to reduce inequality is limited.
城市領導者在降低收入不平等方面所能發揮的作用有限。
Anything that smacks of crude redistribution is likely to be ineffective, says Mr Glaeser, as this will just drive the rich to the suburbs.
格萊澤表示，任何帶有初始收入再分配色彩的舉措很可能都不會成功，因爲這將促使富人羣體遷往郊區。
That does not mean leaders such as Mr Khan and Mr de Blasio can wash their hands of the problem.
但這並不意味着像薩迪克汗和比爾•德布拉西奧這樣的城市領導者可以對不平等問題放手不管。
In Europe, Mr van Ham says: If we’re not careful, in 15 to 20 years our cities will be much more segregated than now.
範漢姆指出，在歐洲地區，如果我們不小心應對，15至20年後，城市的貧富割裂程度將比現在嚴重得多。
He worries about rushing the job of settling refugees recently arrived in Europe.
他擔心政府可能會草率推進新近來到歐洲的難民的安置工作。
People say let’s move them to places where there are houses available, Mr van Ham notes, while pointing out that these are places where nobody wants to live because of a lack of amenities and opportunities.
人們會說，把他們遷到有房可住的地方，範漢姆表示；他同時指出，那些地方通常沒有人願意居住，因爲缺乏配套設施和發展機會。
That creates problems for the future.
這會給未來埋下隱患。
How will they respond in 15 to 20 years?
15至20年後，他們將如何應對？
While cities may try in vain to reduce inequality directly, Mr Glaeser suggests they can help us learn about policies that at the national level would make a difference.
城市爲降低收入不平等而採取的直接舉措或許會徒勞無功，但格萊澤指出，這些嘗試可以幫助我們進一步瞭解相關政策，而在國家層面這些政策或許能產生效果。
There are a lot of [socio-economic challenges] to which we don’t know the right answer, he says.
對於很多社會經濟方面的挑戰，我們並不知道正確答案，他表示。
He cites the provision of pre-school education at a reasonable cost and the training of entrepreneurs as examples.
他舉出的例子是，以合理成本提供學前教育以及對創業者的培訓。
What cities should be are laboratories for opportunity, where we experiment with different things, Mr Glaeser says. Cities should do what they do best, which is fundamentally to produce knowledge.
城市應當成爲機遇的實驗室，成爲我們嘗試不同事物的地方，格萊澤表示，城市該去做它們最擅長的事，本質上也就是生產知識。
