西方應修補與土耳其的關係

Next week Joe Biden, US vice-president, visits Turkey, a Nato country whose relations with the west are in deep crisis following July’s botched coup. A vast majority of Turkish people believe, rightly or wrongly but nonetheless firmly, that Washington was complicit with the plotters. If it was not involved, the argument goes, the reclusive Islamic cult leader Fethullah Gulen — accused of masterminding the coup — could not continue to live peacefully, undisturbed by the US justice system in rural Pennsylvania. The EU is likewise criticised for failing to show solidarity in the wake of the military’s attempt to depose the democratically elected government.

美國副總統喬•拜登(Joe Biden)將要訪問土耳其。在7月土耳其發生未遂政變後，這個北約(Nato)國家和西方的關係陷入了深切的危機。不論是對是錯，絕大多數土耳其人深信華盛頓和政變策劃者串通。按照這種觀點，如果美國沒有參與其中，隱居的伊斯蘭教另類教派領袖費特胡拉•居倫(Fethullah Gulen)——他被指是此次政變的幕後黑手——就不可能繼續在美國賓夕法尼亞州鄉間平靜地生活，不受美國司法系統打擾。歐洲也因爲未能在軍隊企圖推翻民選政府後向土耳其展現出團結而遭到批評。

The community of western nations needs to reassure Turks of its enduring friendship, and of its commitment to Turkey’s future within that community. That is the only way to counter swelling anti-Americanism and alienation from the west.

西方陣營需要安撫土耳其人，讓他們相信西方的持久友誼以及西方對於土耳其作爲這個陣營一分子的未來的承諾。這是反制土耳其國內高漲的反美情緒和對西方的疏離感的唯一途徑。

The pro-western elements within this nation — one that is ever more essential to the west as a strategic ally — sorely need this reassurance to combat the atmosphere of accusation and disenfranchisement that could harm Turkey’s transatlantic relations. The task for Washington and Brussels, therefore, is to rebuild trust.

土耳其日益成爲西方不可或缺的戰略伙伴，這個國家的親西方羣體迫切需要這樣的安撫，以對抗可能損害土耳其同西方關係的指責與失落的氣氛。因此，華盛頓和布魯塞爾的任務是重建信任。

For Washington the key to doing that will be formally to initiate, sooner rather than later, the process of extradition for Mr Gulen requested by Ankara. It is clear that a political decision by the White House will not be sufficient to achieve this goal. The administration of President Barack Obama has said it would require credible evidence to comply with any such request, and that such a request should go through a judicial review. Nonetheless the administration can choose to ease the tension in bilateral relations by initiating the judicial process and supporting, as a matter of principle as well as a foreign policy objective, the extradition request.

對華盛頓來說，重建信任的關鍵是儘早正式啓動安卡拉所要求的引渡居倫的程序。顯然，白宮的政治決定並不足以實現這一目標。巴拉克•奧巴馬(Barack Obama)總統的政府已經表示，需要可信的證據才能響應這樣的請求，而這樣的請求會經過司法審查。儘管如此，奧巴馬政府可以選擇啓動司法程序，並且從原則和外交政策目標角度支持引渡請求，從而緩解雙邊關係的緊張。

For the EU, the formula is more complex. Brussels should first devise a diplomatic response to show solidarity with the Turkish body politic. Despite the apparent reluctance of individual EU leaders to meet President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a visit by a representative delegation of the European Parliament would still be welcomed.

對歐盟來說，解決方案更加複雜。布魯塞爾應該首先構思一種外交回應來表現出與土耳其人民的團結。儘管歐盟領導者個人明顯不情願與土耳其總統雷傑普•塔伊普•埃爾多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)會面，但歐洲議會(European Parliament)代表團出訪土耳其仍將是一件可喜的事情。

For the medium term, however, European and Turkish policymakers should seek to develop a new, more constructive European narrative for Turkey. The time has come to do away with the pretence that accession remains a realistic option for the foreseeable future; it is leading to acrimony rather than convergence. Since the coup, criticism of Ankara — justified as it may be — on the grounds of its status as an EU candidate carries no weight.

然而，從中期來看，歐洲和土耳其政策制定者應該尋求爲土耳其建立一種新的、更具建設性的歐洲敘事。是時候放棄有關土耳其在可預見的將來加入歐盟仍然是一種切實可行選擇的假裝了；這種假裝正在導致惡語相向，而不是一體化。在土耳其發生未遂政變後，把土耳其當作歐盟候選國來批評安卡拉——無論批評本身有沒有道理——沒有任何份量。

EU influence over Turkish affairs remains of mutual benefit — but a more realistic goal is needed to keep this critical relationship alive. The country’s recent history proves influence from Brussels can create a virtuous cycle of reform and democratic progress.

歐盟對土耳其事務的影響力仍是互惠互利，但各方需要一個更加現實的目標來維持這層關鍵關係。土耳其近期歷史證明，來自布魯塞爾的影響力有助於營造一種改革和民主進步的良性循環。

Ideally the new framework would complement the accession track and not replace it. The refugee package — whereby Turkey accepts refugees who have reached Europe in exchange for funding and the prospect of access to EU visas — has been successful in stemming the flow of incomers and should be a core component. More advanced economic integration, improved co-operation on counter-terrorism and closer co-ordination of policies towards the common neighbourhood, including Syria and the wider Middle East, could be other defining features of this renewed relationship.

理想情況下，新框架應該補充土耳其入歐軌道，而非取而代之。由土耳其收容抵達歐洲的難民，以換取歐盟資金和免簽證待遇的難民方案，成功地遏制了進入歐洲的人流，應該作爲新框架的核心組成部分。更進一步的經濟一體化、加強反恐合作、加強協調針對共同周邊地區（涵蓋敘利亞乃至整個中東地區）的政策，可以作爲這種新關係的其他關鍵特徵。

Washington and Brussels should now move to preserve liberal democracy in Turkey and to consolidate Turkey’s western vocation. Their apathy in the face of an existential danger barely contained by Turkish democracy is doing the exact opposite.

華盛頓和布魯塞爾現在應該採取行動保住土耳其的自由民主制度，並鞏固土耳其的西方定位。它們在土耳其民主政體勉強挫敗一個生死存亡的危險時表現出來的冷漠，正在起到反作用。