特朗普應仿效里根的經濟政策
Reagan proved that deficits don’t matter, US vice-president Dick Cheney told Paul O’Neill in 2002, when the Treasury Secretary expressed doubts about a round of tax cuts.
里根證明了赤字並不重要，時任美國副總統迪克.切尼(Dick Cheney)在2002年告訴財政部長保羅.奧尼爾(Paul O'Neill)，當時後者對新一輪減稅提出質疑。
Donald Trump appears set to test whether the proof still holds — if it ever did.
唐納德.特朗普(Donald Trump)似乎要試驗這一點是否仍然成立——如果它曾經成立過的話。
His victory has already prompted nostalgic references to Ronald Reagan — whose election in 1980 was greeted with similar scepticism.
特朗普的勝利已引起了人們懷舊地把他與羅納德.里根(Ronald Reagan)相提並論，里根在1980年當選之初也曾受到類似懷疑。
The comparison is flawed by big changes in the US and global economies in the intervening 36 years.
這36年間美國和全球經濟的巨大變化，意味着這種對比是有缺陷的。
But if there is one area where Mr Trump’s approach most resembles that of his predecessor, it is fiscal plans likely to lead to a huge rise in the US deficit.
但如果說特朗普有一個最接近他的前任的地方，那就是他的財政計劃很可能導致美國財政赤字飆升。
Mr Trump’s comments on the campaign trail simply do not translate into a coherent economic plan.
特朗普在競選過程中發表的言論，根本不能構成一個連貫的經濟計劃。
His angry rhetoric on trade and hostility to the Fed’s stimulus policies are consistent with a wide range of policies, some alarming and some much less so.
他對貿易的滿腔怒火和對美聯儲(Fed)刺激政策的敵意，與包羅萬象的一系列政策相容，其中一些令人驚恐，另一些沒那麼嚇人。
He has, however, made concrete and repeated commitments to tax cuts, on both personal income and corporate profits.
然而，他已多次對減稅（涵蓋個人所得和企業利潤兩方面）作出具體承諾。
He has also promised higher defence spending and a huge burst of investment in infrastructure, to rebuild our highways, bridges, tunnels, airports, schools, hospitals.
同時他還承諾增加國防支出和大舉投資基礎設施，以重建我們的公路、橋樑、隧道、機場、學校、醫院。
He asserts his economic plan will put millions into work and double the US growth rate.
他斷言自己的經濟計劃將讓數百萬人獲得工作，並使美國的增長率翻倍。
That is questionable, especially given indications that the US economy is now close to full employment.
這是有問題的，尤其是在跡象表明美國經濟已接近充分就業的情況下。
The consequences for US public finances are, by contrast, incontrovertible.
相比之下，對美國公共財政帶來的後果是不容質疑的。
Mr Trump’s unfunded tax cuts could add more than $5tn to the US federal debt by 2026, according to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.
據美國盡責聯邦預算委員會(Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget)估算，至2026年，特朗普提出的沒有資金着落的減稅計劃可能新增逾5萬億美元美國聯邦債務。
There is a strong case for a shift in the balance of monetary and fiscal stimulus, with fiscal measures — well-targeted spending on infrastructure in particular — taking more of the strain.
有很好的理由對貨幣和財政刺激的平衡作出改變，讓財政措施——特別是有針對性的基建支出——肩負更大重擔。
Indeed, Hillary Clinton might have proposed something similar.
的確，希拉里.克林頓(Hillary Clinton)或許也會提出類似建議。
But if the shift appeared likely to result in a large increase in the US deficit, it would bring higher inflation and a rise in borrowing costs in its train.
但如果這種改變貌似會大幅推高美國財政赤字，那麼它將帶來更高的通脹以及借款成本增加，
This, in turn, has implications for monetary policy.
進而對貨幣政策造成影響。
The obvious response would be for the Federal Reserve to adopt a tighter stance.
明顯的迴應是，美聯儲將採取偏緊的政策姿態。
Indeed, if Mr Trump dislikes the post-crisis era of ultra-low interest rates, putting his fiscal plans into practice would hasten the process of policy normalisation at the Fed, without meddling in the bank’s affairs directly.
的確，如果特朗普不喜歡超低利率的後危機時代，實施他的財政計劃將加快美聯儲政策正常化進程，而無需直接干預美國央行的事務。
This combination of looser fiscal policy and a tighter monetary stance is not compatible with reaching his growth target in any sustainable way.
更寬鬆的財政政策和更緊縮的貨幣政策這一組合，與以任何可持續方式達到特朗普的增長目標不相容。
And it would be disastrous to replace Janet Yellen, Fed chair, when her current term expires, with another compliant enough to take his target seriously.
而在美聯儲(Fed)主席耶倫任期結束後撤換她，任命一個聽話的、能認真對待特朗普的目標的人接替，將是一場災難。
Moreover, far better than worsening the US long-term fiscal position with permanent tax cuts would be for Mr Trump to reframe his proposals into a broadly revenue-neutral tax reform package.
此外，與其用永久性減稅惡化美國的長期財政狀況，對特朗普而言好得多的做法是把他的提議重新框定爲一個大體上財政收入中性的稅改方案，
This is what President Reagan advanced in his second term.
這正是里根在第二任期裏推行的事情。
Mr Trump’s plans on personal taxation are indefensible.
特朗普針對個人所得的減稅計劃是站不住腳的。
They would bring very modest benefits to the middle income voters he claims to represent, and large gains to the richest.
這些計劃給他聲稱代表的中等收入選民帶來的福利非常有限，而給最富裕的人帶來巨大收益。
There is, however, a good case for cutting the rate of corporation tax to a level that is more competitive internationally.
不過，有很好的理由將公司稅率降低到更具國際競爭力的水平。
But this should be accompanied by reforms to broaden the tax base, eliminate tax loopholes, and encourage companies to repatriate the estimated $1tn to $3tn they hold stockpiled abroad.
但這一舉措應該伴隨一些改革，以擴大稅基，封堵稅收漏洞，鼓勵企業將囤積在海外、據估計有1萬億美元到3萬億美元的資金匯回國內。
Of course, much will depend on how Mr Trump’s plans are viewed by the Republicans who will control Congress, and on his choice of Treasury Secretary.
當然，很多事情將取決於控制國會的共和黨人如何看待特朗普的計劃，以及特朗普的財政部長人選。
Here, his instinct may be to appoint a weak candidate and run economic policy from the White House.
特朗普的本能可能是任命一個較爲弱勢的財長，以便由白宮決定經濟政策。
This would be a mistake.
這將是一個錯誤。
The new president needs a strong cabinet that can command the respect of markets and international interlocutors.
這位新總統需要一個能夠贏得市場和國際對話者尊敬的強大內閣。
Despite the huge uncertainties unleashed by Mr Trump’s victory, there is a broad set of measures including tax reform, infrastructure investment and a greater emphasis on fiscal stimulus that could add up to a coherent — if not ideal — economic policy.
儘管特朗普的勝利帶來了巨大的不確定性，但稅改、基礎設施投資和更強調財政刺激等一整套措施有可能構成一套連貫（如果不算理想）的經濟政策。
Such measures have implications for the rest of the world, especially emerging markets vulnerable to a rise in US borrowing costs.
這些舉措會對世界其他地方產生影響，尤其是容易受美國借款成本上升影響的新興市場。
But it could be compatible with continued growth in the world’s most important economy.
但這套經濟政策有可能與世界上最重要的經濟體保持增長相容。
As with so much of what Mr Trump does, the worry is that his urge to excess will win out over conciliation.
就如特朗普的很多所作所爲一樣，擔憂在於他做事過頭的衝動將壓倒理性妥協。
