英國新首的對華立場 對於北部振興計劃不是好兆頭

The decision by Theresa May, the new UK prime minister, to postpone approval for Hinkley Point nuclear power station, apparently because of security concerns about Chinese investors involved in the project, raises questions about another of her predecessors’ flagships: George Osborne’s “Northern Powerhouse”.

英國新首相特里薩•梅(Theresa May)推遲批准欣克利角(Hinkley Point)核電站項目，顯然是因爲中國投資者參與該項目而對安全方面感到擔憂。她的這個決定使人對上屆政府的另一個旗艦項目產生疑問：英國前財政大臣喬治•奧斯本(George Osborne)的“北部振興計劃”(Northern powerhouse)。

Wooing Chinese investment was central to the former chancellor of the exchequer’s plan to harness the collective strength of northern England’s cities and so to rebalance the economy and devolve powers from Whitehall. If Hinkley is cancelled and a promised “golden era” of UK-China commercial relations comes to nought, the Powerhouse will look underfunded.

對於奧斯本這一旨在利用英格蘭北部城市的集體力量、推動經濟再平衡和政府權力下放的計劃來說，吸引中國投資是關鍵所在。如果欣克利角項目被取消，同時承諾的中英商業關係“黃金時代”無果而終，“北部振興計劃”看上去將陷入資金不足的局面。

Jim O’Neill, Treasury minister and former Goldman Sachs chief economist, a driving force behind the Northern Powerhouse, is considering quitting the government over Mrs May’s approach to China.

鑑於梅的對華姿態，英國財政部商務大臣、高盛(Goldman Sachs)前首席經濟學家吉姆•奧尼爾(Jim O'Neill)正考慮辭去政府職務。他是推動“北部振興計劃”的人士之一。

Before the Hinkley announcement, Mrs May had reaffirmed the government’s commitment to the Powerhouse and spoke of a “gaping chasm” between London and the rest of the country. However, she sees the project a bit differently from her predecessors. She pledged to help “not one or even two of our great regional cities, but every single one of them” — an implied rebuke to Mr Osborne’s focus on Manchester and its near neighbours, such as(notably Leeds andincluding Sheffield.

在宣佈推遲評估欣克利角核電站協議之前，梅重申了政府對“北部振興計劃”的承諾，並談到倫敦與國內其他地區“日益擴大的差距”。不過，她對“北部振興計劃”的看法與上屆政府官員有些不同。她承諾要幫助的“不是一兩個大型地區性城市，而是每一個城市”，言外之意是不苟同奧斯本對曼徹斯特及鄰近城市的關注，例如謝菲爾德。

The UK’s Brexit vote has added political urgency to the issue. The greatest support for leaving the EU was in predominantly working-class areas of the north and Midlands, where many felt let down by the political establishment. We should not be surprised. Even in the 1975 referendum, when the UK voted by two to one to stay in the European Economic Community, the leave vote was particularly strong in south Yorkshire and the north-east. This timeMore than two-thirds of voters in towns such as Hartlepool, Doncaster, Barnsley and Blackpool voted to leave.

英國的退歐公投給這個問題增加了政治緊迫性。支持退歐的最大力量來自英格蘭北部和米德蘭地區以工人階級爲主的地區，在這些地區，很多人對政治當局感到失望。對此我們不應感到意外。在1975年英國以2:1的投票結果支持留在歐洲經濟共同體(European Economic Community)的公投中，約克郡南部和英格蘭東北部支持退出的投票尤其踊躍。這一次，在哈特爾浦、唐卡斯特、貝恩斯利和布萊克浦等地，超過三分之二的投票者支持退歐。

Parts of the north, notably city centres, have recovered from deindustrialisation, but the region’s economic output per head remains about 25 per cent below the average for the rest of England. The north lags behind in health, life expectancy, employment, earnings and productivity.

英格蘭北部的部分地區（特別是中心城市）已從去工業化中復甦，但該地區的人均經濟產出仍較英格蘭其他地區的平均水平低25%左右。在健康狀況、預期壽命、就業、收入和生產率方面，北部地區處於落後地位。

The Brexit vote highlighted a criticism of the Northern Powerhouse: that it benefits cities more than small towns and rural areas. Mr Osborne’s aim was to improve transport links and research collaboration between cities such as Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Newcastle, areas thatwere among the few in the north that voted to stay in the EU. People elsewhere in the north fear being left even further behind.

退歐公投突顯出針對“北部振興計劃”的批評：比起小城鎮和鄉村地區，城市地區受益更大。奧斯本的目標是改善利物浦、曼徹斯特、利茲和紐卡斯爾等城市之間的交通聯繫和研究協作——這些城市是英格蘭北部少數幾個支持留在歐盟的地區。北部其他地區的人們擔心自己所在地區以後會落後得更多。

Understandable as those concerns may be, it would be wrong to backpedal on the Northern Powerhouse or its equivalent, the “Midlands Engine”. These regions have suffered too often abortive plans. There is substantial business support for the schemes involved and crucial infrastructure decisions, notably on a trans-Pennine fast rail link and road tunnel are yet to be made.

那些擔憂或許可以理解，但在“北部振興計劃”上變卦將是錯誤的。相關項目獲得了企業的大力支持，而關鍵的基礎設施決定迄今仍未做出。

The challenge is this: can the initiative develop in a way that benefits the whole area? Better transport links between and within city regions will help give more people access to jobs in cities. And what is needed in addition is a stronger drive to improve skills and education across the north, which has too few high-skilled workers and too many low-skilled ones. According to think-tank ResPublica, the north’s proportion of residents with higher-level qualifications (31 per cent) is below the national average (36 per cent) and significantly behind London (49 per cent).

挑戰在於，“北部振興計劃”能以讓整個地區受益的方式來推進嗎？城市區域之間以及城市內部的交通改善將有助於讓更多的人在城市工作。此外我們還需要加大努力提高整個北部地區的技能和教育水平——北部地區的高技能工人太少，而低技能工人太多。智庫ResPublica的數據顯示，北部地區擁有中高級資格證書的居民比例爲31%，低於全國平均水平的36%，更是遠遠落後於倫敦的49%。

Skills are harder for politicians to influence than trains and roads, but the north will not catch up without this. The northIt struggles to attract high-calibre teachers: a pay premium for teachers teachers those in poorer areas would help. Northern Its secondary schools have, on average, funding of ￡1,300 less per pupil than those in London, according to the IPPR North think-tank.

對政客們來說，比起火車和道路，要在技能上施加影響更加困難，但缺乏技術，北部地區就無法追趕其他地區。北部地區很難吸引高水準的教師：提高較貧困地區的教師薪資將會有所幫助。智庫IPPR North的數據顯示，北部地區中學在每位學生身上平均所花經費比倫敦少1300英鎊。

School standards need a concerted focus by mayors, council leaders and headteachers. That requires restoring local democratic influence over independent state-funded academies: it makes little sense to devolve powers over transport, health, skills and planning while centralising control of schools. The north’s revival cannot be fashioned in Whitehall.

提高學校水平需要市長、市議會領導人和校長的共同關注。這需要恢復地方民主對獨立的政府撥款的學術機構的影響：移交交通、醫療、技能和規劃方面的權力同時集中控制着學校談不上明智。北部地區的復興不可能由白廳來完成。