歐盟不能因爲希望讓英國迴歸而改革
On June 23, the British people decided to leave the EU.
6月23日，英國人民決定脫離歐盟(EU)。
I am sorry they did because I believe the UK belongs in Europe.
我很遺憾看到他們這麼做，因爲我認爲，英國屬於歐洲。
But I respect their choice.
但我尊重他們的選擇。
I can think of nothing worse than suggesting their decision might be disregarded.
在我看來，沒有什麼比暗示他們的決定可以被忽略更糟糕。
The approaching political talks will be tough and the associated technicalities complex.
即將開始的政治談判將非常棘手，相關的技術問題高度複雜。
Article 50, the mechanism for departing the EU, provides a two-year timeframe to reach an agreement, and failure to do so will result in automatic exit.
《里斯本條約》第50條(Article 50)是一個脫離歐盟的機制，它規定了兩年的時間框架達成協議，如果未能達成協議將導致自動退出。
The question is whether the UK and its 27 partner nations will have enough time to reach a mutually satisfactory agreement enshrining most of the bond they already share, or be forced into a much harsher break-up.
問題在於，英國及其27個夥伴國有沒有足夠時間達成彼此滿意的協議，載入它們已經在共享的大部分紐帶，抑或被迫走向苛刻得多的分手？
Nobody knows the answer yet.
現在還沒有人知道答案。
What does seem certain to me, however, is that these talks need to reach coherent outcomes.
然而，在我看來有一點似乎很確定：這些談判需要達成連貫一致的結果。
Nobody can be in and out at the same time, or enjoy privileges without fulfilling responsibilities.
沒有人能夠同時處於聯盟內和聯盟外兩種狀態，或者在不履行責任的情況下享受特權。
This has absolutely nothing to do with retribution: it is simple logic.
這絕對與報復無關：這是簡單的邏輯。
No European government could agree to grant the UK free access to the single market if Britain does not accept rules, duties and concessions, including the free movement of Europeans, in return.
如果英國不接受規則、義務和讓步（包括接受歐盟公民自由移居英國），那麼沒有一個歐洲國家的政府可能同意賦予英國單一市場準入。
Respecting the British people’s choice also implies acknowledging that their doubts about the European project cannot be explained away as insular or idiosyncratic.
尊重英國人民的選擇還意味着，承認他們對歐洲一體化的疑慮不能以島國特性或特殊爲藉口搪塞過去。
Other European nations could have voted the same way given the chance, simply because the rift between Europe and its citizens is wider than ever before.
如果有機會，其他歐洲國家也可能這麼投票，這完全是因爲歐洲與其公民之間的鴻溝比以往任何時候都更大。
And yet the only way forward for Europeans in our globalised world — where competition is becoming ever fiercer, the challenges ever more complex and the threats more numerous — is to stand together.
然而，在我們這個全球化的世界（競爭變得越來越激烈，挑戰越來越複雜，威脅變得更多），歐洲人唯一的出路是團結在一起。
Europe is still a profoundly modern idea but the European project as we know it has grown old.
歐洲在深遠層面上仍是一個現代的構想，但我們所知道的歐洲一體化項目已呈現老態。
This is why I believe Europe needs an overhaul as well as reforms.
這就是爲什麼我相信歐洲既需要改革，也需要徹底整改。
First of all, this implies finally admitting that there is more than one Europe.
首先，這意味着最終承認，不只存在一個歐洲。
The Europe of the euro and the Europe of the 27-member union, for example, have different paths to follow.
例如，歐元的歐洲和27個成員國結盟的歐洲要遵循不同的道路。
The Europe of the euro needs to deepen its integration, under sound economic governance, once and for all.
歐元的歐洲需要以良好的經濟治理爲最高原則，一步到位地加深一體化。
The foundation for this was built during the crisis in 2010-11, when the European Stability Mechanism was created and eurozone summits began.
這麼做的基礎是在2010-11年危機期間奠定的，當時各方創建了歐洲穩定機制(European Stability Mechanism)，啓動了歐元區峯會。
This Europe needs to take a few steps further, providing more permanent leadership for its eurozone summits, setting up a central secretariat to serve as Europe’s treasury, and turning the ESM into a fully fledged European monetary fund.
這個歐洲需要進一步邁出幾步，爲歐元區峯會提供更永久的領導機制、創建一箇中央祕書處作爲歐洲的財政部，同時把歐洲穩定機制轉型爲一個完全成熟的歐洲貨幣基金。
The other Europe, the 27-member union, should revert to its original duties — ensuring the domestic market operates smoothly and focusing on no more than 10 truly strategic issues, such as agricultural and industrial policy to stimulate growth; research policy, which needs to be bolder; competition policy, which needs to be less dogmatic; and trade policy founded on reciprocity.
由27個成員國組成的另一個歐洲應該回歸其初始職責：確保內部市場平穩運行，同時關注於不多於10個真正戰略性的問題，例如刺激經濟增長的農業和工業政策；需要更加大膽的研究政策；需要降低教條程度的競爭政策；以及基於平等互惠的貿易政策。
Everything else is best left in the hands of member states.
其他所有問題最好交給成員國處理。
This enlarged Europe also needs to review the commission’s prerogatives, to prevent it from bypassing European and national lawmakers, and unilaterally stifling our entrepreneurs and our citizens with the technical constraints it inflicts on them.
這個擴大版的歐洲還需要重新審議歐盟委員會的特權，防止其繞過歐洲和各國立法者，單方面對我們的企業家和我們的公民施加技術限制，扼殺他們的自由。
Lastly, Europe needs a new immigration policy.
最後，歐洲需要一個新的移民政策。
It needs a new Schengen, shared immigration and asylum policies, and consistent employment laws regarding foreigners to end social dumping.
它需要一份新的申根協議(Schengen)、統一的移民和避難政策以及一致的外國人就業法律，以結束社會傾銷。
Foreigners should not receive non-contributory benefits until they have completed five years’ residence.
外國人在居住滿5年之前不應享受無需供款的福利。
We need to protect Europe’s borders effectively.
我們需要有效保護歐洲的邊界。
We need to join forces to send those who have entered illegally back to their country of origin.
我們需要聯合起來，把那些非法進入歐洲的人遣返到他們的原籍國。
We need to rank co-operation aimed at stemming illegal immigration among our foreign policy priorities.
我們需要把旨在阻止非法移民的合作列爲外交政策重點之一。
Countries that re¬fuse to co-operate should be denied EU aid.
拒絕合作的國家應該失去獲得歐盟援助的資格。
This must be combined with a European Marshall plan for Africa.
這必須與面向非洲的歐洲版馬歇爾計劃(Marshall plan)結合在一起。
In the meantime, I believe we should put accessions on hold, even in the case of countries that have grounds for joining, such as the Balkan states.
與此同時，我認爲，我們應暫停批准成員國加入，即使對有理由加入的國家也是如此，例如巴爾幹半島國家。
And, as I have said before, I categorically oppose Turkey’s accession.
而且，正如我以前說過的那樣，我明確反對土耳其入盟。
Once Europe emerges from its overhaul, it will be up to British leaders to decide whether to ask their people about joining the union again.
一旦歐洲完成徹底整改，英國領導人將可以決定是否詢問他們的人民要不要再次加入歐盟。
The choice will be the British people’s to make, and theirs alone.
這將是英國人民做出的選擇，而且只能是他們的選擇。
Europe must not reform because it hopes to bring the UK back to the fold: it must embrace reform because its future and its survival depend on it; because reform is as urgent as it is vital.
歐洲肯定不能因爲希望讓英國迴歸而改革：它必須是因爲自己的未來和生存有賴於改革而支持改革；因爲改革既迫切又至關重要。
