《星球大戰》 美國內部的文明衝突 America's clash of civilisations

Once upon a time, Americans settled around the television to enjoy a white Christmas together. Nowadays, it seems, they are too entrenched on opposite sides of the “war on Christmas”, or commoditising it to oblivion, to remember Bing Crosby’s crooning. To say the US is a civilisation divided may strike some as an overstatement.

曾幾何時，美國人圍坐在電視機前，一起享受白色聖誕節。而今，他們似乎太過沉迷於充當“向聖誕節開戰”的攻防雙方、或者任由聖誕節被商業化淹沒，以至於無心享受賓克羅斯比(Bing Crosby)的低聲吟唱。對有些人而言，稱美國是一個分裂的文明可能有些誇張。

For the most part, the country still speaks one language. Black and white, straight and gay, Jewish and Muslim all flock to the latest Star Wars movie. Interest in the Oscars and the Super Bowl obliterates sociological distinction. So too does fear of economic insecurity. These things unite most Americans.

基本上，這個國家仍說着同一種語言。無論是黑人或是白人、異性戀者或是同性戀者、猶太人或是穆斯林，大家都涌向影院觀看最新的《星球大戰》(Star Wars)。對奧斯卡獎、超級碗(Super Bowl)的興趣抹平了人們的社會差異。對經濟上缺乏保障的恐懼也是如此。這些事將大多數美國人團結起來。

Yet the things that divide the country are growing. If you listen to the Republican presidential debate, one message overrides all. Conservatives do not just disagree with President Barack Obama — they hate him profoundly. When asked if they would back a Donald Trump nomination, even the most moderate Republican says anyone would be better than this “feckless, weakling” president, to quote Chris Christie, the New Jersey governor.

然而，導致美國分裂的事也在日益增多。聽聽共和黨總統候選人之間的辯論，一句話就可以涵蓋所有內容。保守派人士不僅不贊同巴拉克攠巴馬(Barack Obama)總統，還對他恨之入骨。當被問及是否會支持提名唐納德礠朗普(Donald Trump)爲共和黨候選人時，甚至最溫和的共和黨人都會說，任何人都強過這個“軟弱無能的”總統——用新澤西州長克里斯克里斯蒂(Chris Christie)的話說。

Likewise, if you ask a liberal about today’s Republicans, it does not take long before the word “stupid” is used. People who support Mr Trump are idiots. People who oppose him must be snobs. The two sides neither speak to each other, nor obtain their “information” from the same outlets. Facts are what you feel comfortable believing. No one in your social group is likely to challenge you.

同樣，當你問一名自由派人士對當今共和黨人的看法時，他們嘴裏不一會兒就會冒出“愚蠢”一詞。支持特朗普的人都是白癡。反對特朗普的人肯定是勢利小人。雙方陣營從不對話，也不從相同的渠道獲取“信息”。事實就是你覺得可以相信的事情。在你所屬的社會羣體內部，沒人會挑戰你。

Is the idea of America as a republic of shared values under threat? It is tempting to say no. The country has gone through philosophical clashes before and emerged stronger. It was born in the heat of one. The dispute between Thomas Jefferson, the poet of the American Revolution, and Alexander Hamilton, its chief federalist, predates the republic. It lives on in the form of conservatives who favour states’ rights and liberals who prefer a bigger role for federal government.

美國作爲一個擁有共同價值觀的共和國的理念受到威脅了嗎？人們很容易說：沒有。歷史上的美國經歷過理念之爭，之後變得愈發強大。當年美國就是在一場白熱化的理念之爭中誕生的。美國革命的奠基人托馬斯瀠遧遜(Thomas Jefferson)與聯邦黨創始人亞歷山大漢密爾頓(Alexander Hamilton)之間的分歧在美國獨立之前就存在了。如今它依然存在於支持各州權利的保守派陣營與偏向擴大聯邦政府權限的自由派陣營之間。

history began in 1776 and itself within the same reference points. That argument will be on display again in 2016 between Hillary Clinton and whichever Republican is nominated. According to this view, it is wise to be complacent. However cacophonous the noise, it will be drowned out by history’s drumbeat to an ever-closer union.

歷史始於1776年，如今在相同的參照標準下重新上演——這種爭論將在2016年希拉裏克林頓(Hillary Clinton)與最終獲得提名的共和黨總統候選人之間重現。按照這種看法，自滿是明智的。無論雜音有多麼刺耳，都會被邁向更緊密聯盟的歷史鼓聲淹沒。

And yet. It is hard to listen to today’s poisonous exchanges and imagine them petering out any time soon. Mr Trump cannot be uninvented. The last Republican debate sounded more like the launch of the Tenth Crusade than a question of which candidate had the best ideas to stabilise the Middle East.

然而，聽一聽如今這些惡毒的相互攻擊、並想象它們會在短時間內逐漸消停是很難的。特朗普的影響是不可逆轉的。共和黨最近的一場辯論聽起來更像是要發動一場十字軍東征，而非哪個候選人有最好的辦法使中東實現穩定。

Reconquering the Christian holy sites from Islam was not the sole aim of the crusades. The papacy’s other motive was to consolidate Rome’s hold over Europe. It worked. Crusaders slaughtered almost as many Jews and heretics en route to the Mediterranean as they did Saracens. By the same token, America’s debate over how to uproot Islamist terrorism is as much about defeating political enemies at home as it is coping with ground realities in the Middle East.

從伊斯蘭世界奪回基督教聖地並非十字軍東征的唯一目的。教皇的另一動機是要鞏固羅馬對歐洲的控制。這一策略成功了。在向地中海進軍途中，十字軍屠殺的猶太人和異教徒的數量幾乎與他們屠殺的伊斯蘭教徒一樣多。同理，美國對於如何根除伊斯蘭恐怖主義的辯論不僅關乎應對中東的現實，還關乎擊敗國內敵手。

For evidence, look at Republican candidates’ solutions for Syria. Leave aside their vows to “destroy”, “carpet bomb” or “obliterate” Isis. There is little practical difference what most hawkish Republicans want to do and what the Obama administration is doing. Almost no one wants to send US troops.

至於證據，不妨看看共和黨候選人爲敘利亞提出的解決方案。撇開他們誓言要“消滅”、“地毯式轟炸”或“清除”伊斯蘭國(ISIS)，大多數鷹派共和黨人想做的與奧巴馬政府正在做的沒有多少實際差別。幾乎沒人希望派遣美國地面部隊。

The debate has less to do with Syria than with Mr Obama, the most un-American president in history, according to his revilers. Whoever replaces him, even the cavalier Mr Trump, would take America back and make it great again. Aside from a little more bombing here, and a few more special forces there, it would bring about little change of policy in Syria.

相比敘利亞，這場辯論在更大程度上關乎奧巴馬——反對者稱他是史上最欠缺美國含量的總統。（反對奧巴馬的人認爲，）不論誰接替奧巴馬（即使是傲慢的特朗普），都將重振美國，使其再度偉大。但實際上，除了多進行一些轟炸，多出動一些特種部隊，美國的敘利亞政策不會發生太大變化。

Alleging weakness on terrorism is just another rock to throw in the battle for America’s soul. In their hearts, liberals think they have already won that battle. Much like in Star Wars, the forces of demography are with them. By the early 2040s, the US will be a majority-minority nation. With each election, whites dwindle as a share of the electorate. A liberal intellectual recently told me it will be a “mathematical impossibility” for a Republican to win the White House.

宣稱對方在打擊恐怖主義的問題上軟弱，只是又一塊扔進爭奪美國人心之戰的石頭。自由派人士在心中暗自認爲，自己已贏得了這場鬥爭。很像在電影《星球大戰》中，美國人口結構的發展方向有利於他們。到本世紀40年代初，美國將成爲一個少數族裔佔多數的國家。每次大選，白人選民的比例都會縮小。一名自由派知識分子最近對我說，共和黨入主白宮將是一件“在數學上不可能”的事情。

Such certainty brings impatience, even contempt, for those who disagree. It also reinforces the cultural divide. Liberals believe Tea Party conservatism is implicitly racist — and, with Mr Trump’s input, explicitly so. Yet, by assuming the loyalty of non-white Americans, liberals are guilty of racial stereotyping. By the same token, little effort is made to understand why so many white middle-class Americans have drifted away from them.

這樣的確定性帶來了對那些持不同意見者的不耐煩，甚至是蔑視。它還加劇了文化隔閡。自由派人士認爲，茶黨保守主義是一種隱蔽的種族主義，而特朗普的加入使其變成公開的種族主義。然而，通過假設非白人美國人的忠誠，自由派人士同樣抱有種族成見。同理，沒幾個自由派人士努力去理解爲什麼那麼多美國白人中產階級與他們漸行漸遠。

Mr Obama has never been forgiven for saying poor white Americans are suffering from Marxian false consciousness: “They get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy toward people who aren’t like them.” He has wisely never repeated that sentiment. But in the age of Trump, it has become a liberal article of faith. Blue-collar Americans are either too dumb to know they are voting against their economic interests, or else knowingly prejudiced. Such are the markers of a nation that talks past itself.

奧巴馬曾說，貧窮的美國白人正遭受馬克思主義錯誤意識之害：“他們變得滿腹怨恨，寄望於用槍支、宗教或者厭惡來對待與他們不一樣的人。”他的此番言論從未被原諒。他明智地再也沒有重複這種看法。但在特朗普時代，這已變成自由派的一個信條。藍領美國人要麼笨得不知道自己在投票損害自己的經濟利益，要麼故意保持偏見。這些都是一個民族在自說自話的標誌。

Which brings us back to Star Wars. Few things are more fun than watching the forces of darkness lose. That much unites liberal and conservative Americans. But during this season of goodwill, it would be wise to avoid probing that analogy any further. The force is awake and ready. Let us leave it at that.

這些讓我們回到《星球大戰》。沒有什麼能比看到黑暗勢力落敗更有趣。這一點能夠團結美國的自由派和保守派。但在新舊交接之際，避免進一步做這種類比是明智的。力量已經甦醒，而且已經準備好。讓我們到此爲止。